Monday, 30 May 2011
BY: Mawut Guarak , NEW YORK , USA
Articles and Analysies – Sudanese Online
…This is not the first time Dr. Riek went to Bor since returning to the SPLM/A in 2002. He first went to Bor, Panyagor to be specific, in 2004 for the House of Nationalities Conference and he was very well welcomed and appreciated. He talked to the inhabitants of Panyagor and explained his past action…In 2007, he went to the city of Bor and he was personally welcomed by Kuol Manyang Juuk, the same man who chased him out of Panyagor in 1993. For those who may not be aware, Kuol was the commanding officer deputized by Bior Ajang Duot when Riek forces were attacked and uprooted from Panyagor in the same battle Uncle (Joseph) Oduho was killed…
Sunday, 29 May 2011
Excerpts from Stephen Par Kuol’s Analysis on Unity With North Sudan - Gurtong Website
They also pray for peace and reconciliation among themselves, but not with the North. In truth, Southern Sudanese see the current unity with the North as a curse from God. Yes, this bad unity will be given another chance for six years, but in their hearts of hearts, southerners know that it is a formality that does not stand a glimmer of chance for permanence as quarter of century in protracted war has confirmed the word of late Joseph Oduho that "we can live in peace with the north only as separate nations."
Excerpts Form: http://rain.org.za/leaving-bitterness-behind/
Lagu’s counterpart at the time, the head of the movement’s political wing, was a man named Joseph Oduho, and it was the late Oduho who introduced Lagu to the Israeli ambassador and political attache in Kampala, Uganda, where there was a growing Israeli presence in the late 1960s. “We have a common concern, and that is fighting the Arabs,” Lagu wrote in the letter he gave the attache, asking him to pass it on up through the ranks.
The commander went on to offer a deal: If Israel would support Anyanya, Lagu promised to tie down the northern Sudanese armies so as to prevent them from joining the Egyptians and other Arabs from attacking Israel in the future.
“I waited for a response, but the problem was that Eshkol died. He never even saw that letter,” says Lagu. “But luckily, he was followed by a woman who must have found that very letter and she contacted me. They were interested in the part where I said we would tie down the north, and believed we might even manage to tie up some of the Egyptian forces who would come to the north’s assistance.”
Golda Meir summoned Lagu to Israel, “practically smuggling him in,” as he tells it. And during that first two-week trip to the country and the territories – in between tours to military bases around the country, from the Golan Heights to the Sinai and the West Bank – the Sudanese commander met with the prime minister in her Jerusalem office. They spoke about religion, and Lagu told her how, he recalls, “the Christian southerners considered Jews as the cousins of Christ.” They talked arms. And then shook hands on a deal.
Soon after, a shipment of weapons reached Juba from Israel – mainly two- and three-inch mortars, anti-tank missiles and light machine guns taken from enemy Arab countries during the 1967 war.
“They did not give us new weapons, or ones that were manufactured in Israel,” Lagu explains, “as they did not want to be publicly known to be helping us.”
Later, three Israeli advisors arrived and joined the rebels in the bush: a military advisor, a technician and a doctor. While other arms were coming in from Congolese rebels and international arms dealers, the Israeli assistance, Lagu explains, was what tipped the scales: “This helped transform my movement, and we became a force to be reckoned with. We began to make a real impact in the fighting against Khartoum.”http://rain.org.za/leaving-bitterness-behind/
Excerpts from Briefing Paper No. 2, May 1998
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London WC2N 5BW,
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Telefax: 44 0207 753 2848
...It perhaps follows on from Garang’s association with totalitarian politics that democracy and debate within the SPLA was clamped down upon very firmly. This intolerance dates back to the earliest days of the organisation. African Rights records, for example, that the initial political leadership of the Sudanese People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) was made up of Southern politicians and former ministers such as Akuot Atem, Martin Maijer, Samuel Gai Tut and Joseph Oduho.
John Garang was named the head of the military wing, the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army. Samuel Gai Tut and Akuot Atem subsequently withdrew from the SPLM in the wake of attempts to interfere with democratic decisions and transferred their allegiance to a rival Southern opposition group: Samuel Gai Tut was subsequently killed by SPLA forces. Garang then took for himself the chairmanship of the SPLM as well as being the SPLA commander-in-chief. African Rights summed up the intolerance within the SPLA:
“It is hard to see how the SPLA could have become more authoritarian than it was in the 1980s”. African Rights records some of institutionalised human rights abuses: Southern intellectuals and politicians who wanted to join the SPLM were subordinated to the military… some of them were arrested and detained without trial...According to a liberal-democratic view, they were victims of human rights abuses because they challenged autocratic leadership. The shadow of these early violations still hangs over the Movement. Further abuses followed: Political discussion within the SPLA was curtailed. The two remaining civilian politicians on the SPLM’s original Provisional Executive Committee (PEC) - Joseph Oduho and Martin Majier - were imprisoned from 1985 to 1992… The PEC was turned into a ‘Political-Military High Command’ (PMHC) composed only of soldiers. Two of the five original members of the PMHC (Kerubino Kuanyin and Arok Thon) were then incarcerated because they acted independently of Garang.
Joseph Oduho, a respected, long-standing southern Sudanese political figure, was released and then murdered by the SPLA. Martin Majier, a judge and politician with considerable standing among the southern Bor Dinka, was also subsequently murdered by the SPLA. The SPLA claim he was shot while trying to escape. Other rival Southern opposition leaders were dealt with equally ruthlessly. Kawac Makuei was imprisoned in appalling circumstances from 1984 to 1992. Lakurnyang Lado, the chairman of the Front for the Liberation of South Sudan, was detained and publicly killed by the SPLA. African Rights also talks of “many allegations of other extra-judicial killings”. Southern Sudan had few enough political leaders of any substance and integrity. It is a simple matter of fact that the SPLA murdered most of them...http://www.espac.org/pdf/Spla%20human%20rights.pdf
R.O. Collins reproduces a short extract from his forthcoming book Jonolei: A History of the
Hydro-politics of the Nile describing the attack on Sobat Camp on February 10th, 1984 by the
Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Army (SPLA)
Official Newsletter of the Sudan Studies Society of the United Kingdom,
Number 4 April 1988
On 30th November Joseph Oduho wrote to the Egyptian ambassador to Kenya in which he gave specific reasons for Garang’s decision to have the SPLA terminate the excavation of Jonglei. The abrogation of the Add is Ababa agreement was the cause for the resumption of the civil war, but the stoppage of work on the canal was the result of the unkept promises to the Southern Sudanese, and the failure to install the pipes for drinking and irrigation water led the list.
Work on the canal must remain stopped until these and other grievances - the failure to build schools, dispensaries, and bridges- were satisfied otherwise no work need take place till our control of the Sudan is complete (Joseph Oduho, Chairman of the Political and Foreign Affairs Committee of the SPLA to H.E. Ambassador of the Arab Republic of Egypt, Kenya, 30th November 1983). On 7th December he prepared a second letter to Chevron, Total Oil Company, and CCI (the French Company responsible for excavating the canal) demanding that CCI cease operations immediately, assuring the company ‘that it (SPLA/SPLM) had no grudges and had no intentions to renegotiate agreements to replace CCI.
“Although we are aware that your firm was only hired to excavate the canal, you will however realise that there are parts of the agreement that deal with the welfare of the people whose life would be affected by the canal as well as the wildlife of this region of our country.” These issues had not been resolved.
“In the meantime agricultural projects, hospitals, towns and model villages that were to be carried out in the Canal Zone will only remain in the text of the agreement never to be executed after you have completed your works on the canal. You can therefore see our determination to see in to it that the work on the canal stops.” (Joseph Oduho to Chevron, Total, and CCI companies, 7th December 1983).
By Mawien Makol Arik
By 1960 to 1962, after a serious of strikes, hundreds of students, administrators, and ex-MPs fled the Country to avoid arrests. A good number of them went to the neighboring countries, but some went directly to the bush. The year 1963, saw the emergence of a more effective Southern political organization in exile against the regime of General Abboud. In 1960, a large scale migration began out of Equatoria into Uganda and the Congo. Leading educated Southerners and ex-parliamentarians fled the Country.
These exile groups organized themselves into a political resistant movement against the Regime; firstly as Sudan Christian Association to Sudan African Closed Districts National Union (SACDNU). Financial and moral support was given by the churches.
SACDNU's leading members were:
1. Joseph H. Oduho, ex-MP (president) 2. Marko Rume, ex-MP (vice president) 3. William Deng Nhial ex-assistant District Commissioner, Kapoeta (secretary-general) 4. Saturino Lohure ex-MP and president of liberal party, ( member) 5. Ferdinand Adiang ex-MP (member) 6. James Wek Athian ex-MP (member) 7. Pancriaso Ocheng ex-Mp (treasurer) 8. Valerio Oregat (treasurer) 9. Aggrey Jaden ex-assistant District Commissioner, Wau (deputy secretary-general) 10. Akout Atem Mawien ( member) 11. Alexis Mbali Yango (member) 12. Philip Pedak Lueth (member) 13. Nathanial Oyet (member) 14. Basia Renzi ex-chief, (member).
SACDNU's activities consisted mainly on petitioning the United Nations, supplying information on the events in the South to Journalists and organizations, and assisting the refugees. In 1963, SACDNU's name was changed to SANU.
Saturday, 28 May 2011
Excerpts from: The New Sudan Vision (NSV)
Friday, 20 August 2010 12:44
Friday, 20 August 2010 12:44
… Dr. Toby Maduot Parek said the National Congress Party (NCP), Sudan’s ruling party, lacks “seriousness in implementing the CPA in full” and accused it of ‘continued’ marginalization of Southern Sudan, Nuba Mountains, South Blue Nile, Darfur and Eastern Sudan.
“SANU leadership, its rank and file, he said, have resolved to vote for the separation of the southern Sudan in coming referendum,” Dr. Maduot, the party’s chairman, said in a press release. “This is seen by all Southern political forces including SANU as insincerity on the part of party (NCP), and a dangerous recipe that would return our country back to war,” he said.
SANU was founded in exile by, chiefly among others, the late Fr. Saturino Lahoru, the late Joseph Oduho and the late William Deng Nhial, in 1963 in Kampala, Uganda. A year later (William Deng split and formed it) in the Sudan (It was known as SANU Inside)...
By Steve Paterno,
Author of The Rev. Fr. Saturnino Lohure, A Romain Catholic Priest Turned Rebel
Sudan Tribune, May 15th, 2011
In 1983, SPLM/A took up arms to start a war of liberation, the war that lasted for more than two decades. Thus far, the journey has been too long and torturous. Every time SPLM/A anniversary approaches, it is always different and unique, due to the surrounding circumstances and ensuing events. For example, the last time I attended SPLM/A anniversary ceremony in Sudan was in1992, in the town of Torit. I still vividly remember the speeches of Cdr. William Nyoun and that of Uncle Joseph Oduho at that event. At the time, SPLM/A was in shambles. It has already suffered a severe split; between SPLM-Torit faction and Nassir faction. The tide of war victory drastically shifted in favor of Khartoum armed forces. At the background of the colorful celebration, we could hear loud explosions of bombs from the advancing Khartoum armed forces, who were only miles away and posed to capture Torit town. Though jubilant, because of the celebration, we were actually bracing for the worse.
The situation within SPLM/A was tense and suspicions among the SPLM/A commanders were running very high. Certain elements were planting landmines in Torit town, in act of sabotage. The planted landmines killed several town folks and hit some vehicles. In his speech, Cdr. William Nyoun warned against those who were plotting against him. He asserted that he knew the people behind the landmines plot. That he was the intended target of those landmines.
Uncle Joseph Oduho was just fresh, out of a prolong detention. He was conditionally released to attend the funeral of his son who died a year earlier. Despite acknowledging his lack of military knowledge, Uncle Joseph Oduho tried his best to dispel some of the wild rumors, regarding Khartoum’s armed forces firepower superiority. Those rumors were already degrading the morals of the SPLA soldiers. Some of the rumors were that Khartoum’s armed forces possessed some lethal advanced arsenals and weaponry system that include chemical and biological agents, as well as some types of Iraqi missiles. People believed that the skin burn sustained by some soldiers during the battle as confirmations of the rumors. The rumors were even fueled more as people became frantic, after Khartoum dropped large parachutes in Torit town. Some people thought it was some type of Special Forces, airborne in the rear of frontline. I could hear people shouting, Iraqis! Iraqis! Iraqis! while fleeing in disarray. Anyways, the parachutes were shot down and they turned out to contain mere Khartoum’s propaganda leaflets, calling for surrender and peace.
Two months after celebrating the SPLM/A anniversary in Torit, we had to sadly evacuate the town. The SPLA gallant forces last stand was in the outskirt of the town, where they put a fierce fight, and then withdrew, allowing the enemy to enter the town, without firing a single bullet.
Unfortunately, few months later, both Cdr. William Nyoun and Uncle Joseph Oduho, would end up leaving the SPLM/A-Torit faction to join the Nassir faction. So, if SPLM/A was in a comma, now it is on life-support. A year later, Uncle Joseph Oduho met his ultimate death. This will follow by the demise of Cdr. William Nyoun few years later. Both died under mysterious circumstances and in South-South conflicts. Both of these men also seem to have had enemies within the movement that they were serving.
This year marks the last time SPLM/A members will celebrate the anniversary of the movement, before the birth of new nation. Next coming years are going to present different and new realities, which will also require different approaches and attitudes. It is not a secret that when the movement was founded, it took deadly South-South rivalries and in fights that robbed lives. This stigma establishes a precedent within the movement and retarded the progress of the struggle, because more often than not, the top echelon in the movement conspire and even kill each other. The suspicions among these top brass, exist to this day and must cease with the birth of new nation.
Moving forward, we must start by honoring the dead and acknowledging them for their sacrifices. The SPLM/A commanders must now assume different roles and throw away suspicions against each other, which they live with throughout the struggle. Those commanders in the military are now professionals with the duty and mandate to defend the Constitution of South Sudan, the integrity of the nation and its citizens. There should be no reason for these professional soldiers to look over their shoulders, because of the plots and counter-plots, coming from within. Those commanders who choose to enter into politics must understand the territory in which they are getting into. The political field is going to be a competitive one, testing ones popularity, power of persuasion, and humility of accepting defeat. In short, the new country should be a nation that has a room to accommodate all, a nation guided by its constitution and rule of law. Otherwise, the long struggle and sacrifices, will be worthless.
Excerpts from Time.com
…The emergence of African women has caused little discernible reaction among African men, although the males often discuss the relative merits of traditional girls and modern girls as wives. Joseph Oduho, a Southern Sudanese rebel-organization official, recently (in Uganda late 1960s-early 1970s of the last century) married an educated woman (Agnes Kwaje Losuba) after his tribal wife (Margaret Ikanga) died. He says: "My former wife couldn't read or write. She spent her time in the kitchen with the children. She would choose a new wife for me, and she knew how to cure me if I was sick. I could lie to her, and it didn't matter. She was simple, but she understood me. My new wife is a college graduate. She won't let me have another wife. I can't lie to her because she knows when I'm lying, and she is not afraid to tell me so. Part of her life is her own. My old wife devoted her entire life to me..."
(Note: Madam Agnes divorced Oduho in 1983 (of the last century) in a public court. The disagreement was believed to be partly because the late Oduho had – in 1983 – supported the unity of South Sudan, whilst Madam Agnes supported the forces of re-division of southern Sudan into three provinces otherwise known as “FORCES OF KOKORA”, which in Madam Agnes’ language means “Re-division;” and partly because Oduho had told her that he was to become part of a new rebel resistance movement (SPLM/A). Madam Agnes is currently an active SPLM/A member; having worked at the SPLM/A London’s Chapter Offices. She is currently a Minister in the Government of South Sudan).
New Gender Minister Chosen in S. Sudan Cabinet Reshuffle
Juba, June 2, 2009
By Isaac Vuni
As part of a major reshuffling of his cabinet, the President of Southern Sudan Salva Kiir Mayardit today appointed Hon. Agnes Kwaje Lasuba from Central Equatoria State as minister of Gender, Social Welfare and Religious Affairs, effective from June 2, 2009. Hon. Lasuba is a career teacher who had been the chairperson of Regional and International Cooperation in the Southern Sudan Legislative Assembly. She is the former wife of late Joseph Oduho, a founding member of SPLM/A. Delighted, Hon. Abut described Lasuba's appointment as being very important for creating unity among the marginalized Sudanese voters particularly in Southern Sudan…http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1G1-200996550.html